Friday, November 17, 2017
Thursday, November 16, 2017
Wednesday, November 15, 2017
Political Economy Research sister site of Democracy and Class Struggle will be looking at the North Korean Economy in a series of articles - we start with North Korea's production of food as eighty per cent of North Korea is mountainous with only twenty per cent of land suitable for some type of agriculture and how the Workers Party of Korea is leading the fight for food production.
The DPRK makes effort to establish the Juche orientation in the foodstuff industry to ensure that it depends on domestic materials and meets the requirements of the people’s dietary life.
The foundations of the foodstuff industry have been solidified by keeping the development of the large-scale foodstuff industry in parallel with that of the medium and small-scale foodstuff-processing industry. Raw materials bases have been built up to increase the output of foodstuffs by using the materials abundant in the country, and close concern is directed to mass-producing essential and subsidiary foodstuffs and ensuring their better quality.
The principle of making production proportional to consumption with the county as a unit has been maintained to build up the foodstuff factories that contribute to improving the county residents’ dietary life and equip their production lines with modern machinery.
The Pyongyang Wheat Flour Processing Factory has renovated the buildings of several workshops introduced CNC technology in the production lines and made them germ-free. The Pyongyang Cornstarch Factory has updated all its production lines ranging from the input of raw materials to packaging. The Sonhung Foodstuff Factory, Susongchon General Foodstuff Factory, Kangso Mineral Water Factory and other foodstuff producers and speciality-processing plants pay off.
The Changsong Foodstuff Factory, a locally-run factory, has built a supercritical extraction line in a modern fashion.
The DPRK makes great efforts to produce plenty of high-quality, useful goods by developing the daily necessities industry.
It has developed large-scale central industry and medium- and small-scale local industry in parallel,tapping domestic materials to the full to increase the variety of daily necessities and improve their quality.
The DPRK has since long ago kept it as an important principle of socialist economic construction to develop central industry and local industry in parallel.
Changsong County in North Phyongan Province was transformed into a model unit of local industry. On the basis of the achievements made in the county, locally run factories mushroomed and sideline production gained momentum; mountainous regions made good use of mountains, coastal regions utilized coasts effectively.
With the growth of local industry the urban-rural gap has been narrowed and all the regions of the country developed evenly.
The DPRK’s agriculture was extricated from centuries-old backwardness. Now, along with industry, it constitutes one of the major components of the national economy.
Recently the country has made significant progress in agricultural production and the development of agricultural science and technology: arranging crops and their strains on the principle of sowing the right crop on the right soil and cultivating the right crop in the right season, as demanded by the Juche farming method, and manuring and cultivating them in a scientific and technological way; developing high-yielding, superior seeds; carrying out large-scale land-realignment projects and attaining a high level of irrigation in the rural economy; promoting potato, soybean and double cropping extensively; encouraging organic farming and establishing food production cycle; putting all the processes of the rural economy on an industrial and modern footing by introducing the latest advances in science and technology.
The state makes constant efforts to develop agriculture and increases investment in this sector.
New Agricultural Guidance System
In early 1962 Kim Il Sung had a cooperative farm management committee set up in every county, and then a rural economy committee in every province, thereby establishing a well-knit national system of agricultural guidance from the centre to the lowest levels.The new agricultural guidance system centred on the county cooperative farm management committee, makes it possible to ensure industrial guidance over the socialist rural economy.
The county cooperative farm management committee exercises unified control over agro-technicians, farming machine stations, farming implements factories,irrigation management stations and other state-owned enterprises in the service of the rural economy, and gives on-site direction and guidance over the business operation of cooperative farms. It also performs the function of both directing cooperative farms and bringing the state’s material and technological assistance to the rural economy.
Sub-Workteam Management System
Kim Il Sung created a sub-work team management system during his field guidance at the Phochon Cooperative Farm, Hoeyang County, Kangwon Province, in May 1965.
Under this system manpower and various means of production are fixed for each sub-workteam, which is the lowest unit of production and manpower organization at a cooperative farm and the cell of a collective life. The quota is defined for each sub-workteam and the work-points of its members are assessed according to the results of their work done, before determining the share of distribution.
The system is a form of production organization and management that enables farmers to take an active part in the production and management with a feeling of attachment to the collective economy and an attitude befitting masters.
The plot responsibility system that has recently been instituted according to the sub-workteam management system pays off as it enables farmers to have a higher degree of consciousness of being masters of the land who are responsible for the country’s cereals production.
Juche Farming Method
The Juche farming method created by Kim Il Sung is geared to doing farming in a scientific and technological way as suited to the climate and soil of the country and the biological features of agricultural crops, and to making agricultural production highly intensive on the basis of modern science and technology.
The fundamental requirement of this method is to arrange crops and their strains according to the geographical characteristics on the principle of sowing the right crop on the right soil and cultivating the right crop in the right season, manure and cultivate them in a scientific and technological way, ensure accuracy in the number of seedlings in a cluster and the number of clusters per phyong, and attain high and stable yields by making effective use of the fields, water, farming machinery, fertilizer and other means of production.
The DPRK’s agricultural sector is putting great emphasis on breeding good seeds that are suitable to the local climate and soil, those capable of yielding abundantly while demanding less fertilizer and shorter growth period and withstanding the cold, and of resisting pests and natural calamities such as drought, rainstorm and biting cold. Due concern is directed to importing high-yielding seeds from other countries. In addition to crop cultivation, all other sectors of the rural economy such as animal husbandry, fruit farming and sericulture carry on the seed revolution.According to the well-regulated national seed selecting system, seed research institutes develop the first filial generation and other superior seeds and supply them to cooperative farms across the country.
Agricultural Science and Technology
The DPRK set it as the major task for developing its agricultural science and technology to realize comprehensive mechanization of the rural economy, find proper solutions to the problems that arise in the research to develop agriculture, and radically raise the scientific and technological level of agricultural workers.
Amid the dynamic campaign to develop agricultural science and technology, the mechanization and chemicalization of the rural economy have been promoted, many scientific and technological problems arising in agricultural production resolved, and the scientific and technological level of farmers improved. Latest models of tractors and other high-performance farming machines have been supplied, and advanced farming techniques and methods introduced in the farms all over the country.
Among the models of scientific farming are the Migok Cooperative Farm in Sariwon, Sinam Cooperative Farm in Ryongchon County, Samjigang Cooperative Farm in Jaeryong County and Tongbong Cooperative Farm in Hamju County.
The DPRK pushed ahead with land realignment as a grand nature-harnessing project and a patriotic work of everlasting importance to increase agricultural production by obtaining new land, free farmers from hard labour by realizing comprehensive mechanization of the rural economy, eliminate once and for all the remnants of feudal land ownership, and hand over to posterity the land transformed as befits that of socialist Korea.
Kim Jong Il decided to launch land realignment in Kangwon Province, which was lagging behind other provinces in this regard and had unfavourable working conditions, and generalize the experience to transform the landscape of the country.
In hearty response to his appeal all the people turned out in the land realignment projects, with the result that in a few years hundreds of thousands of hectares of paddy and non-paddy fields were repartitioned into large standardized plots as befits the land of the socialist state.
Large-scale irrigation systems, including the Phyongnam, Kiyang, Amnokgang, Sohungho and Singye irrigation systems, ramify throughout the country. These irrigation systems cover all the paddy and nonpaddy fields in both lowland and highland regions.
Major irrigation systems have been interconnected in a circular way. Pumping-up irrigation systems, or gravitational waterways where appropriate, have been built according to the regional characteristics.
At first irrigation systems were built separately in the regions and then connected with one another to form a loop.
In the new century the Kaechon-Lake Thaesong, Paengma-Cholsan, Miru Plain and other large-scale gravitational waterways have been built one after another. As a result, the country’s irrigation network has been developed to a higher level.
Gravitational waterways are built on the basis of the physical property of water that flows downward. The completion of gravitational waterway projects in the DPRK marks a new milestone in its irrigation history.Typical of them are the Kaechon-Lake Thaesong,Paengma-Cholsan and Miru Plain waterways.
The Kaechon-Lake Thaesong Waterway, built in 2002, flows along the 150-odd-km channel with a 23m difference in elevation, irrigating more than a hundred thousand hectares of paddy and non-paddy fields in 15 towns, counties and districts of South Phyongan Province, including Pyongyang and Nampho.
The total length of the gravitational waterways in the country is thousands of ri (ten ri equals 4km).
Now a large waterway in South Hwanghae Province and another connecting the irrigation network in South Phyongan Province with the Chongchon River are being built.
The completion of these projects will signify the full establishment of the gravitational waterway system for the fertile farmland along the west coast, which has a large share in the country’s cereals production. In other provinces, towns and counties they are striving to build gravitational waterways of varying lengths in conformity with their local conditions.
The DPRK has a limited area of land under cultivation as mountains constitute nearly 80% of its territory. Tideland reclamation is crucial in expanding the area of arable land.
As early as the 1980s, the state worked out a plan for reclaiming hundreds of thousands of hectares of tideland, transforming into fertile fields the Tasado, Kwaksan (first stage), Sokhwa and other tidelands with favourable conditions on the west coast.
Reclaimed in 2010 was the Taegyedo tideland the size of a county. The project was the biggest of its kind in the country.
Now under way are the Kwaksan (second stage), Ryongmaedo, Honggondo and several other tideland reclamation projects.
The Taegyedo project reclaiming 8 800 hectares of tidal flat, the biggest of its kind in the country, was finished in July 2010.
As a result, several islands scattered on the west coast were linked by a dam tens of kilometres long and the meandering coastline was shortened remarkably,redrawing the country’s map.
Now the tideland has become a comprehensive agricultural base, rendering a tangible contribution to improving the people’s standard of living–a vast expanse of crop cultivation area, fish farm covering an area of 100 hectares, salt works, modernly-equipped duck and oyster farms, and ponds teeming with flatfish and other species.
The Korean Association for the Development of Organic Agriculture works according to the Law of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea on Organic Industry. Microbial compound fertilizer factories number several hundreds, and organic fertilizer factories are in Sukchon County, South Phyongan Province, and other parts of the country. The organic compound fertilizer factory in Pyongyang depends on the mud from the Pothong River. Model units have been set up in some farms for the purpose of establishing an organic farming system and introducing advanced technology, and modern livestock farms built in different parts.
This has resulted in the establishment of a food production cycle.The methods of using mud snails in growing rice and introducing biological pesticide and other substances have been applied in cultivating and manuring the crops, thus strengthening pest control, saving manpower and
The DPRK is promoting cooperation and exchange with relevant international organizations. It acceded to the IFOAM in 2005 and is carrying on the project of building a bridge for the diffusion of knowledge about organic farming and increasing the capacity for the development of organic farming.
The DPRK has brought about a fresh tubrn in crop cultivation by applying the Juche farming method to the letter.
It lays special emphasis on effecting the seed revolution, encouraging the double cropping based on the principle of grain with grain and making a radical improvement in potato and soybean farming.
The DPRK pays close concern to supplying the people with plenty of fresh vegetables all the year round. There are many vegetable farms and work teams around cities and workers’ districts.
The fields for vegetable growing have been selected on the principle of sowing the right crop on the right soil and cultivating the right crop in the right season, and high-yielding seeds, appropriate watering systems, cultivation on terraces and multiple cropping have been introduced to meet the demand according to different seasons.
Taking seasonal characteristics into account,appropriate crops are selected to ensure sustained production, while hotbed and greenhouse cultivation is encouraged by radically increasing the number of modernly-equipped greenhouses.
Arched or adobe greenhouses covered with PVC sheeting, solar-heated greenhouses with a food production cycle and many other models of greenhouses have been built to ensure a high level of scientific and intensive cultivation.
It is an important policy of the DPRK government to provide the people with adequate amounts of tasty, nutritious mushrooms by putting mushroom production on an industrial and scientific footing.
Close attention has been directed to the research into mushroom cultivation. The Central Mushroom Institute has been newly built under the State Academy of Sciences to distribute original spores and cultivation techniques across the country. Modern mushroom farms have been built in Pyongyang and every province. Also, individual families grow mushrooms to improve their standard of living.
Industrial Crop Farming
The DPRK pays due concern to industrial crop farming, while focusing on cereals production. In order to meet the demand for raw materials of light industry industrial crops are planted intensively on the right soil, and fibre and oil-bearing crops are cultivated extensively, as well as crops for luxury items, medical use and other purposes.
Efforts are made to estimate the demand for each crop, fix the area suitable for its cultivation and the volume of production there, and to put production on a specialized, intensive basis by forming separate workteams and sub-workteams.
Such oil-bearing crops as perilla, sesame, sunflower and rape are sown on idle land, or sometimes arable land, and tended with care to increase their per-hectare
The livestock farming sector strives to solve the problem of domestic breeds and their feed, rear them scientifically, and adopt comprehensive anti-epizootic measures so as to boost livestock production. A mass drive is being conducted to raise grass-eating domestic animals, and collective livestock farming developed at cooperative farms and individual livestock farming in rural households, so that every place seethes with livestock farming.
The Youth Goat Farm in Hamhung, Unjong
Livestock Cooperative Farm in North Hwanghae Province, Kyenam Livestock Farm in South Hwanghae Province and other farms have been laid out as model units in livestock farming, and the successes and experiences gained in their work are being generalized across the country. Production is increasing at the Kanggye Chicken Farm and other modern livestock farms.
They have laid solid foundations for radically increasing the number of livestock by introducing advanced rearing techniques, resolving many scientific and technological problems, improving veterinary and anti-epizootic work, and boosting the output of nutritious, high-yielding crops for animal fodder.
Ostrich farming is in full swing.
The Sepho area is being turned into a large-scale livestock farming base.
The DPRK has newly set up a mechanism for the guidance of the fruit-growing sector and increases state investment in it to put production on a specialized,intensive footing.
Orchards of varying sizes have been built in large numbers, and dwarf apple trees and other good species arranged properly to boost the output. The processing and storage facilities have been updated to ensure enough supply of tasty, nutritious fruits and their processed products for the people.
Following the construction of the Taedonggang Combined Fruit Farm in Pyongyang, the material and technological foundations of the fruit farms in Kwail County, Pukchong County and other regions have been cemented, so that they can produce dozens of tons per hectare.
Recently, Kosan in Kangwon Province is being turned into a modern combined fruit farm.
The DPRK has consolidated the foundations for putting cocoon production on a highly specialized,intensive and modern footing—a vast expanse of mulberry fields and modern sericultural facilities in the regions with favourable conditions, and breeding new species of mulberries and silkworms.
The per-hectare yield of cocoons is rising at many farms including the Manpho Cocoon Farm in Jagang Province, Osan Cooperative Farm in Jongju, North Phyongan Province, and Sahyon Cooperative Farm in Kumya County, South Hamgyong Province.
NORTH KOREAN ECONOMY - Jong Hwa Sun
Posted by nickglais on 11/15/2017 02:45:00 PM
Democracy and Class Struggle says the Catalan National Movement is in need of proletarian direction and leadership.
Posted by nickglais on 11/15/2017 02:07:00 PM
Posted by nickglais on 11/15/2017 06:16:00 AM
In the video from Moscow we can see first the column of the United Communist Party (OKP) with banners “All power to the Soviets”, “New October will come”
We can see there also the flags of Italian Partito Communista, as their large delegation came to Russia to celebrate the centennial.
In the column with red banners and black banners with a red star, we can see also Rot Front members, Russian Left Front, New Communist Movement (The Red Dawn), The Association of the Soviet Youth, Labor Russia.
We can see also Catalan flags, the banner that reads “There are only two classes”.
There presents also the group of national-bolsheviks (Another Russia) with the banner “We can repeat it” with young Lenin’s portrait.
Chanting: “Upper, upper red banner - capital is our main enemy”.
The first speaker (4:10) congratulates with the centennial of the biggest event in the world history.
“We are here tomorrow - near the monument to the 1905 Revolution’s heroes. On this place in early 20-th century took place severe battles - in 1905 and 1917 and then - in 1993, when the revanchists temporarily won and destroyed the achievements of the October revolution.
But we all know that the Revolution has the beginning but has no end.
As states the Declaration of Human Rights, an uprising under dictatorship is justified.
But Revolution is not only uprising - it is the birth of the new stars. And we’ll celebrate tonight this event. We’ll fight for the restoration of the revolution achievements. And our current rally is dedicated to this aim.
There are present our Italian comrades. Let’s greet our Italian comrades! Hurrah to Italians!
The entire progressive humanity is with us today. We celebrate tonight the anniversary of the birth of the new world. I invite to speak: Alexander Batov from the Rot Front”.
A.Batov: “We reached this day of the centennial, though we expected to celebrate it the other way. Back in 1990s when our communists faced hard times, struggling against Yeltsin’s regime, they used to tell each other: “2017 will come and definitely we’ll celebrate it under socialism”.
Indeed, they believed, fought, hoped for it. So, this day has come.
But unfortunately our country appeared not in socialism but thrown back into dark mediaeval times.
You know, in many cities they open capsules with messages from 1967 to 2017. I read these messages and I’m ashamed for our country and people. Those who built and developed socialism, who fought and died for it - they believed that we would live under communism; that we would not lose but enforce communism and win the world communism.
When the USSR opened the age of space travels, many writers, scientists and thinkers dreamed that 21 century would be the age of the united communist humanity. And they had some grounds to believe it as they did everything possible to make a task easier for us. But we appeared in 19-th century.
We have now back - governors, tsar, gendarmes, and priests. We have landowners and capitalists. And there are also we - serfs and villains.”
Then A.Batov criticizes the policy of redistribution of Russian oil/gas revenues and social cuts.
He also criticizes the KPRF way of celebration the centennial - in rich restaurants for public money, betraying the very ideas of the revolution.
He calls KPRF parliamentary faction ‘puppet and fake communists’, who ‘serve to the bourgeois regime.’
He calls not to hope for the help of parliamentary communists but to fight and restore socialism relying only on own forces.
“We are not humans for bourgeoisie - they see all of us as just their ‘nutritive reserve’. The only language they understand - is the language of force and struggle. Therefore, the only way for us is the way of class struggle, struggle for our rights. And we should start it all anew”.
The next speaker is comrade Ivanov from Bulgaria (17:20).
He says that he is happy to be present there at the historical moment. He passes greetings from Bulgarian people. “Bulgarian workers, Bulgarian people is waiting for you, comrades!”
He reads an address from the Bulgarian Movement against Capitalism and The United Anti-Imperialist Front.
Bulgarian comrades in their address greet all progressive people with the centennial of the October revolution. The retreat from socialism has led to degradation and collapse in all former socialist countries. But many realized now that the capitalist restoration was a great mistake.
And many people again wait for the Aurora’s shot. The fight for freedom can’t be separated from the fight for liberation from capitalist oppression, from its imperialist and fascist aggression. Socialism in many countries, despite some mistakes, has proved its superiority over the criminal capitalist system.
Revolution goes on, comrades! - says a Bulgarian comrade.
The next speakers - representatives of the New Communist Movement (Ukrainian refugees from Borotba).
“We remember how our grandfathers and grandmothers lived before the revolution; how they were illiterate peasants and workers who had to work from dawn till sunset for a plate of soup.
We remind of it because currently we re moving closer with each day to that situation. But we also remember how 100 years ago our ancestors said “Enough!” and revenged to landlords, capitalists, priests and their tsar. We remember how difficult for them it was to build new life.
We are proud of them. We are the successors of the Lenin’s affair and proud of it.
These were communists who destroyed the Russian Empire and made it a republic, eliminating the Romanov’s dynasty. We are proud of it. These were communists who destroyed churches to build schools and hospitals instead. And we are proud of it! These were communists who provided the oppressed peoples of the Empire the possibility to develop their cultures.
And we are proud of it. We’ll repeat the October! And finally, we should chant: “Peace! Donbass! Working Class!”
The next speaker (25:20) is from Labor Russia.
He reminds how the date was celebrated in past years. He says then that a working man will always celebrate the October revolution.
The next speaker - from the Left Block, a guy from Siberia.
He refutes the myths of Russian media that the October revolution allegedly destroyed Russian culture. He says that before the revolution the entire culture was available only for 3% of aristocracy and bourgeoisie. And after the revolution - all got an opportunity to get to know it. This reached the level of culture to higher level.
Then he refutes another myth that allegedly only market approach and private owners can reach efficiency in economy. He says that the achievements of the USSR, including space programs, are the evidence that economy can function efficiently without private entrepreneurs. And this enabled the October revolution.
But we shouldn’t focus only in past, but look at the future becoming the voice of the poorest, who have no money and possibilities to defend their rights. We should raise their consciousness and speak their language.
The new October revolution and the world revolution as its prolongation - awaits us in the future. Even now we can see the elements of the future socialism: we have websources, like wikipedia, based on crowdsourcing, renovative energy programs that aimed to make energy cheap and available and this possibly will target the market economy.
Knowledge and energy are the base for future socialist economy. And we are witnessing it. Scandinavian countries are talking about introducing universal basic income which may enforce the people’s equality. We should orient to the modern technologies, looking at the future.
Then he points out the necessity to develop the struggle in regions, ending with chanting: “Be it Moscow or Siberia - only the struggle provides rights”
The next speaker (37:18) is from the United Communist Party.
He points out that the celebration is twofold because we should celebrate, but from the other hand we lost many revolution’s achievements, with the exception of only 8-hours working day at least formally.
Therefore, it should be the celebration but also the struggle at once. We, who were adult in 1980s-1991, feel our guilt. We were not clever enough to realize who was the General Secretary (Gorbachev). When we finally realized it, it was too late - the 1991 counter-revolutionary coup happened.
But this coup united all real communists who resisted eventually Yeltsin’s regime.
(He enumerates then the rallies and protests actions of communists in 1990s.)
I greet everyone with the first in history victorious revolution of the proletariat!
We should learn the lessons of October. And its main lesson: the ability of masses to believe in their own strength. It was the initiative of masses. Following the example of workers, the peasants revolted beginning to burn down landlords’ mansions - they managed to believe in their strength too!
In Koronstadt in February 1917 crowds of sailors executed the officers who used to humiliate them before. Grassroot Soviets began to emerge all over the country, becoming a parallel, alternative power. Masses believed in their strength. They perceived that were able to build a society which was not yet seen in history. This would be a society of justice and decency - it is possible to build it - you just need to suppress all representatives of bourgeoisie.
And the next lesson of October: in any case, in any situation - don’t fear to make the first blow.
In October 1917 there were some 300 000 in Petrograd who supported Soviets - Petrograd garrison, Baltic sailors, workers’ Red Guards, While the Provisional government of A.Kerensky was defended by 3000 - cadets and Cossacks. And Lenin insisted at the moment: let’s start now because the sentiments of soldiers may change.
His opponents claimed: we can’t be the first to blow. Lenin said: why not? We can, otherwise we may lose everything tomorrow. Lenin knew Russian history: in 1825 the revolutionaries -Decembrists rose up - they had forces but didn’t dare to attack the first and eventually were shot from cannons.
Proletarian revolutionaries in 1917 were the first to attack - they stormed the Winter palace - and rightly. Many opposed Lenin inside the party, claiming that they should focus on elections rather. Lenin said: “No, we will not wait for elections”.
And this is a lesson for us. When the time has come - don’t fear but beat with the full strength! The time will change anyway and the new October is ahead Hurrah !
For the Democracy and Class Struggle Marxist Leninist Maoist theoretical view of the October Revolution visit :
Posted by nickglais on 11/15/2017 05:11:00 AM
Tuesday, November 14, 2017
Posted by nickglais on 11/14/2017 01:57:00 PM
Posted by nickglais on 11/14/2017 03:28:00 AM
“The seventh day of November is the red day on the calendar!” — so this day began in my childhood. It was a real holiday in the midst of gloomy November: with a parade, relatives coming from long distances, and universal joy.
Later I learned that behind it all there was the 8-hour working day, free healthcare and education, social security, and most importantly — unconditional pride for your country. But then I was just a little thing with balloons, and I took everything for granted: a three-room apartment in a new building given to my parents as young specialists, the absence of war in my country, and travel throughout the Soviet Union. How could it be otherwise? Now I know it could.
November 7 this year in Donetsk was rainy and gray, but long before the start of the march, scheduled for 10:30, people gathered at the entrance of the Krupskaya Library. Unfolding the banner – handing out signs. Here are some that I remember from childhood — miniature red and gold flags on wooden sticks. A woman opens a package — it’s full of improvised red bows — just like Ilyich’s on some postcards. Bows fly away instantly, like leaflets with such familiar calls: “Workers of all countries, unite!”, “Power to the Soviets, land to the peasants, peace to the peoples!” Most participants are people who still remember the Soviet demonstrations. But I see young people among them.
I approach a young participant, asking, didn’t school classes start?
“For me this is a great day, maybe the most glorious day in our history. I’ve been interested in this topic for a long time, I read a lot, today I’ve asked permission to be absent from school to take part in the procession, “says 16-year-old Alexander Gordeev.
We are Pioneers, children of workers
Suddenly I notice several kids with red ties in the crowd. They turn out to be Pioneers of the revived organization in the name of Vladimir Lenin, successors to the former Pioneer organization of the Soviet Union. They’re no different from me in 1986, except they have cell phones.
“I know that there are already about 400 pioneers in the Republic. The children want to be useful, they come to us by the call of their hearts,” says Anton Saenko, first secretary of the Makeyevsky Municipal Committee of the Lenin Komsomol of the Donetsk People’s Republic, who brought the Pioneers from Makeyevka. “Such an organization should exist — we help elders, tell the children about our history. Is it possible to strike it out? Alas, we do not have a law on political parties in the Republic right now, but this does not prevent us from doing good deeds.”
At 10.30 our motley column starts from the entrance of the Krupskaya Library towards Lenin Square. Four hundred strong, the demonstrators did not block Artem Street. To the sound of the “Internationale” performed by a brass band, people calmly walk along the sidewalk. In the hands of people, on their signs and banners, apart from revolutionary slogans, I see calls to stop the war one Donbass. Somewhere in the crowd comes a shout: “Glory to Great October!” Immediately comes the answer: “Hurray!” I hear the older generation addressing each other with the forgotten word “comrade!”
These people are unlikely to believe new films about Lenin and horror stories about the Soviet Union.
At the rally, deputies and militia speak. Particularly memorable was the statement by Beneth Ayo, a Black soldier of the armed forces of the Donetsk People’s Republic.
“Today we are celebrating a great event, which has yet to be evaluated by posterity. From my point of view, this is the most monumental event of the past century. We lost a lot with the breakup of the Soviet Union, we’ve been robbed of everything that was created in 70 years of Soviet power, but we must not lose our memory and history” — the man almost cries out with pain.
To the small rally on the Jubilee of October came a real internationalist, Christina Franz, a member of the German Left Party. The woman said that it is an honor for her to visit Donetsk and see its heroic people. After her speech, an elderly Donchanka came to her and handed Christine a rare postcard depicting Lenin. One woman with the Donbass dialect, the other with a German accent, talked like old friends.
Posted by nickglais on 11/14/2017 03:07:00 AM
November 7, 2017: In the commentary on the centennial of the October Revolution, two extremes can be seen. On the one hand, we don’t tire of talking about the outstanding significance of this historic event, about its achievements, accomplishments and victories. But those who fall into pathos recall that a century later, the legacy of October is reduced to nothing. And the holiday of the victory of the revolutionary forces has to be celebrated in days of obvious defeat — when these forces have long since dried up, and their flags are lying now somewhere in the dustbin of history, where they are picked up by political rogues and fringes.
This situation is particularly evident in the countries of the former USSR, which were the scene of great events a century ago. After all, right now the Russian guardians join with the liberals in a common struggle against Lenin‘s mausoleum, to bury together with Lenin’s body all hopes for a socialist perspective of his country. And in Ukraine, the process of “decommunization” is coming to an end, designed once and for all to put an end to the left in the ideological and political sense.
Contemporary Ukrainian historiography describes the October insurrection as a “coup,” wishing to give it a pejorative connotation and emphasize the difference with Euromaidan, which immediately received the propaganda title “Revolution of Dignity.” But in Ukraine they do not know that for many years the Bolsheviks themselves called the October events a coup, not at all conflicted about it.
However, a hundred years later the words “October Revolution” are known all over the world, and the uprising in Petrograd is rightfully considered one of the central episodes of modern history, no matter how people of different political views judge its results. And Euromaidan, which was recently covered online by the world’s leading media, has already been forgotten.
The thing is, a revolution doesn’t become a revolution just because it is called that the next day by the political engineers of the new regime. It remains in history as a genuine revolution only when it leads to radical, essential transformations of the social and economic system — and Euromaidan only accelerated and aggravated one hundredfold all the crisis processes that have been going on for more than 20 years in the ugly society of post-Soviet market restoration.
It is this restoration — that is, the systematic struggle against the legacy of October — that represents the essential content of Ukrainian politics for the last quarter of a century. From the very beginning, it set out to solve the main tasks of the new ruling class: anti-communism was supposed to provide ideological support for the plundering of property accumulated in Soviet times, and also protect the new elites from the notorious threat of “socialist revenge.” The anger of the dissatisfied masses was effectively transferred to the “eternal external enemy of the nation” while simultaneously neutralizing the demonized leftists, who were represented as its “fifth column.”
Such a strategy not only saved the palaces and offices of the new owners of life from persecutions — it opened broad opportunities for manipulating the protest moods of Ukrainians. Robbed as a result of market reforms, people were repeatedly brought to the square under the slogans of expanding and deepening these reforms, using these fake replicas of revolutions for internal competition. At the same time, the disastrous results of the antisocial policy of the post-Soviet period were written off and attributed to the pernicious consequences of what is called “Soviet totalitarianism”. Although this sounds very ambiguous in the totalitarian-to-the-marrow society of post-Maidan Ukraine, where many ugly practices of the Stalin period were revived.
The irony is that the modern Ukrainian state was fully formed during the Soviet era, following the October Revolution — something the Russian Black-Hundred nationalists do not tire of reminding them. This applies not only to its borders, which included extensive historical areas with different histories and cultural specifics. The production and agricultural base, science, education, medicine, infrastructure, social policy and culture — everything that was swallowed and mined for predatory purposes for the last 25 years, was created precisely in the era of Soviet Ukraine.
This epic process is usually illustrated with images of a unique Mriya or space rocket of the Yuzhmash plant. But its best reflection is the picture of schoolchildren in a poor Ukrainian village, with a self-made poster: “Children of all countries, unite! Long live the 4th anniversary of October, which gave us education in a remote corner.” Since it is precisely this necessary basis, which the revolution provided, that made possible all further achievements and successes — up to nuclear physics, cybernetics and space exploration.
Denying October, and completely abandoning the legacy of the Soviet period — which by no means boils down to the tragedies of repression and the Holodomor — Ukraine, in fact, denies its own existence and its future. And not in a symbolic way — as the experience of recent years has convincingly shown.
“The entire economic program of Euromaidan can be reduced to the forced dismantling of the remains of the socially-oriented state system of the Soviet era, which until now allowed Ukrainians to somehow make ends meet. Its destruction was conceived almost as the main task — along with the assertion of a state ideology of ethnic nationalism on the scale of a multinational country created by a criminal communist government, and naturally destroyed under the clamor of anti-communist slogans. And the dismantling of monuments to Lenin is only a symbolic expression of this antisocial policy of ‘de-Sovietization’ in the public spaces of cities and villages of Ukraine,” I wrote in 2014.
As a result of this policy, Ukraine now exists in the mode of countermortality described in the well-known story of the Strugatsky brothers — that is, moving backwards in time, returning to its past. Destroying the achievements of the Soviet era, we are objectively approaching those times that preceded October, gradually turning into an archaic deindustrialized country where poorly educated, disenfranchised and hopelessly poor people live. Which, in fact, is the price for the denial of its revolutionary birthright.
Of course, the political memory of modern society is shorter than a late November day. But if we discard the usual narrow vision in order to consider Euromaidan in the context of the age-old history of our country, we will see that the “Revolution of Dignity” was no more than another stage in the long process of counter-revolutionary pullback from the true revolution of 1917 — following 1991, 1993 and 2004. And the fight against the proscribed legacy of the October Revolution shows that the life of Ukraine — and indeed of other post-Soviet countries — is still being rebuilt from this event, hated by our officials, which took place a century ago.
Imagine — even the long-forgotten sailor-commandant Yevdokim Ognev, who fired the historic shot of the Aurora, is officially included in the “List of persons falling under the law on decommunization.”
He fired to frighten the enemy, and a hundred years later they still are. And this should give us hope.
Translated by Greg Butterfield
Posted by nickglais on 11/14/2017 02:51:00 AM
Monday, November 13, 2017
Sunday, November 12, 2017
Red March in Moscow 7th November 2017 - What we learned from the jubilee of the revolution by Anatoly Baranov
RED SALUTE FROM DEMOCRACY AND CLASS STRUGGLE
What was learned from the jubilee of the revolution
By Anatoly Baranov
November 8: Yesterday, as has become the tradition, two parades and rallies were held in Moscow to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. One event was held by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) — with a walk along the sidewalk on Tverskaya Street, which thanks to renovation now allows you to walk there eight abreast, with no need to block traffic. I wonder if such wide sidewalks in the center of the capital are calculated for exactly this?
I doubt it. As “Nakanune” writes: “Several thousand people who came to celebrate the anniversary of the revolution now and then had to go around obstacles in the form of planted trees and benches on the pedestrian side of the street.”
The second (but not least important) manifestation was held by communists and left-wing parties in the evening – since this usually draws from the working people, and the non-system parties do not have the opportunity to bring in students from Vladimir and Tula to the action, nor their own bureaucratic apparatus. The non-system left has the advantage in quality, but no bureaucracy.
Among the organizers of the left-wing action were the United Communist Party (OKP), ROT Front, “Other Russia,” Russian Communist Workers’ Party (RKRP), Union of Communist Youth (SCM), and almost all other left organizations. Except the KPRF.
In general, we forget the original meaning of the word “demonstration” — from the verb to demonstrate. What did we demonstrate? In this case, the non-system left organizations demonstrated their readiness to mobilize and the willingness of different but ideologically closely related organizations to act together.
There is no revolutionary situation yet, but we understand that fires can break out instantly — and here the readiness for mobilization of left organizations should be absolute.
And from this point of view — we did well. In any case, the square near the Monument to the Heroes of the Revolution of 1905 was filled. That had not happened in a long time.
We prepared in advance, naturally — starting with red flags along the whole route of the demonstrators’ march down Presnya. It didn’t happen by itself, of course; at 5 am activists led by Elena Tkach and Dmitry Cherny decorated the area with revolutionary symbols.
Apparently, the city authorities felt this organized power. At first, as usual, they tried to drive everything into some kind of “Procrustean bed,” but encountering a cold resolve – they retreated, and even showed some miracles of forethought: from the “Krasnopresnenskaya” Metro station, Zamerenova Street (named in the honor of the Bolshevik-worker Trofim Zamorenov, by the way) was closed to traffic, and Krasnaya Presnya Street was temporarily blocked off so that the demonstrators’ columns could move unhindered to the location of the rally. The police behaved flawlessly. Apparently, they understood that in this crowd there are probably already future commissars who will guide the future Soviets to control and organize the future people’s militia.
It is known that very many in the “structures” are burdened by their new “police” name. And the whole country, with few exceptions, refers to the word “capitalism” without sympathy — it’s no coincidence that the chant “Capitalism is shit!”, which not so long ago provoked a reaction from law enforcers, is now taken for granted.
However, the size, compared to 2011-2012, isn’t even close. But that’s understandable. Only the activists came out. However, when there is a mass movement, it will no longer be without an organizing staff. This is positive.
Of negatives, there may be two or more. The masses are wild, they understand little — yesterday a driver asked with sincere bewilderment, what are people protesting against? And with great surprise learned about the centennial anniversary of the revolution – all forgotten! Therefore, anyone who puts on “red revolutionary trousers” can be the center of attention.
Yesterday, a young reporter asked me if I support Putin. And to my reply, “Are you a fool, or what?”, he seems to have taken offense… But actually, he may not be a fool — the Kremlin has promoted the party of Zyuganov, which it dominates, for the role of the “red opposition.” Already the most vile bills are being introduced on behalf of “United Russia” and the Communist Party, together, “in a single formation,” as they say. And still some people asked yesterday: “And will Zyuganov be here?”
Well, they will still be able to see and hear Zyuganov a lot — he just announced on November 7 that he is again being nominated as the KPRF’s presidential candidate. In the Kremlin they thought, doubted, but then gave the okay. Look at this scarecrow — your president?
In the United States, by the way, there is an unwritten tradition — a candidate who lost the presidential election is not nominated a second time. Even if he or she showed a good result, like Al Gore, who in terms of the number of voters, even beat Bush. I think that Hilary Clinton, who repeated this result, will not be nominated by the Democratic Party again. But this is in a country where the parties in power do alternate.
Zyuganov lost for the first time to Yeltsin back in 1996, taking more votes, but he “surrendered” the elections. In exchange he got the “honorable” right to lose to any future candidate — Putin, Medvedev, Putin again. Now, in the first round, each time he shows a worse result than the previous one.
By the way, the only significant leftist who went to Zyuganov’s rally, and did not honor the demonstration of non-system left forces by his presence, was Sergei Udaltsov. Actually, this was the same trick as in 2011-12, when he sharply advocated a boycott of the Duma elections, and at the elections for the presidency suddenly, suddenly “changed his shoes in the air” and supported Zyuganov. And Udaltsov also failed to appear at the excellent march and rally of the non-system left on May 1, 2012, remaining loyal to the eternal “candidate of the left forces”… And like last time, he was content with the role of the participant in the crowd, although at a rally of non-system leftists he would surely have had the first word. But – he did not honor it…
“Nakanune” wrote about Udaltsov’s participation in the rally of the KPRF: “Greetings were given by the coordinator of the ‘Left Front’ Sergei Udaltsov. On the sidelines of the rally, he noted that the main thing today was to ‘preserve unity’”… With whom and for what, I wonder?
A similar situation emerged with the Revolutionary Workers Party (RRP) — the group endorsed the rally at 1905 street, Alexander Zimbovsky even spoke, but the portion led by the unchallenged head of this small Trotskyist group, Sergei Biitz, went to the KPRF march. Now you can’t even figure out who to accuse of “neo-Trotskyism,” the OKP or Zyuganovites …
The usual argument about “unity of the left forces” and agitation in a foreign environment, of course, does not wash. What kind of unity, with whom and for what? The KPRF today has much more in common with United Russia than with the non-system left organizations, which are not included, because the place near the trough is tightly occupied by the decomposing body of Zyuganov’s party. This is more convenient for the authorities, and it’s more convenient for the permanent leader.
As for agitation “in a foreign environment,” Zimbovsky told me an amusing story that I missed. At the rally there was a neo-paganist who was just distributing his neo-pagan literature “in a foreign environment.” And he complained to Zimbovsky that at the KPRF rally this literature was taken, and they took it well, but here they did not take it! At all.
It turned out that the jubilee of the revolution was a sort of “separator,” separating the butter from the buttermilk.
So this review of the left forces, which is how we should treat mass events of the “anniversary” type, went well. We passed.
The continuation, naturally, will follow.
The author is a secretary of the Central Committee of the United Communist Party (OKP).
Translated by Greg Butterfield
For the Democracy and Class Struggle Marxist Leninist Maoist theoretical view of the October Revolution visit :
Posted by nickglais on 11/12/2017 01:07:00 PM
Posted by nickglais on 11/12/2017 07:36:00 AM
Saturday, November 11, 2017
0:03 Canada - Chantons l'unité! / Sing of Unity 1:39 United States - Solidarity Forever 4:07 Mexico - Canción al Partido Comunista (Song about the Communist Party) 7:47 Guatemala - Canción del Guerrillero (Song of the Guerrilla Fighter) 11:10 El Salvador - Himno del FMLN (Anthem of the FMLN) 12:53 Honduras - Himno de la Resistencia de Honduras (Anthem of the Honduran Resistance) 16:18 Nicaragua - Himno de la Unidad Sandinista (Anthem of Sandinista Unity) 19:15 Jamaica - Socialism is Love 22:04 Cuba - Marcha del 26 de Julio (March of the 26th of July) 23:50 Dominican Republic - Himno del Movimiento Revolucionario 14 de Junio (Anthem of the 14th of June Revolutionary Movement) 26:56 Puerto Rico - Himno Revolucionario de Puerto Rico (Revolutionary Anthem of Puerto Rico) 30:16 Antigua and Barbuda - Culture Must Be Free 34:47 Grenada - Viva Grenada 39:43 Venezuela - Mi Partido (My Party) 43:19 Colombia - Himno de las FARC (Anthem of the FARC) 46:22 Ecuador - Himno Alfarista (Alfarista Anthem) 51:23 Peru - Himno del Movimiento Revolucionario 3 de Octubre (Anthem of the 3rd of October Revolutionary Movement) 54:34 Chile - Venceremos (We Will Triumph) 56:59 Bolivia - Himno del Ejército de Liberación Nacional (Anthem of the National Liberation Army) 58:25 Paraguay - Destacamento de Tacuatí (Detachment of Tacuatí) 1:01:15 Argentina - Marcha del Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (March of the People's Revolutionary Army) 1:03:08 Uruguay - Estrella Roja (Red Star) 1:05:19 Brazil - Hino do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (Anthem of the Landless Workers' Movement) 1:07:42 Portugal - Avante Camarada (Arise Comrade) 1:10:45 Spain - Hijos del Pueblo (Sons of the People) 1:16:16 France - Marseillaise de la Commune (Marseillaise of the Commune) 1:19:35 Great Britain - The Red Flag 1:22:04 Ireland - The Official IRA Song 1:24:30 Belgium - Ons Belgisch Volkslied (Our Belgian Anthem) 1:25:37 Netherlands - Morgenrood (Red Dawn) 1:29:21 Germany - Einheitsfrontlied (Song of the United Front) 1:32:36 Austria - Arbeiter von Wien (Workers of Vienna) 1:35:30 Denmark - Når Jeg Ser Et Rødt Flag Smælde (When You See a Red Flag Flying) 1:38:26 Norway - Fram Kamerater, Fram Mot Krigerånden (Forward Comrades, Forward Against the Spirit of War) 1:40:35 Sweden - Kampens Väg (The Path of Struggle) 1:45:46 Finland - Punakaartin Marssi (March of the Red Guards) 1:48:08 Former Soviet Union - Государственный гимн СССР (State Anthem of the USSR) 1:51:52 Poland - Warszawianka (Song of Warsaw) 1:54:55 Former Czechoslovakia - Kupředu Levá, Zpátky ni Krok (Forward Left, Not a Step Back) 2:00:01 Hungary - DIVSZ-Induló (March of the World Federation of Democratic Youth) 2:03:22 Romania - Poporul, Ceaușescu, România (The People, Ceaușescu, Romania) 2:05:50 Bulgaria - Мила Родино (Dear Motherland) 2:09:40 Greece - Ο Ύμνος του ΕΑΜ (Anthem of the National Liberation Front) 2:11:25 Albania - Një Djep Në Barrikadë (A Cradle on the Barricade) 2:15:27 Former Yugoslavia - Uz Maršala Tita / Уз Mаршала Tита (With Marshal Tito) 2:16:51 Italy - Bella Ciao (Goodbye Beautiful) 2:18:58 Egypt - مصر يامة يا بهية (Egypt, O Mother) 2:29:54 Libya - الله أكبر (God is the Greatest) 2:33:04 Morocco - لنا يا رفاق لقاء غدا (We Will Meet With You Tomorrow, Comrades) 2:35:13 Guinea-Bissau - Canção PAIGC (Song of PAIGC) 2:38:02 Burkina Faso - Une Seule Nuit (One Single Night) 2:39:43 Benin - Chantons Notre Victoire (Singing Our Victory) 2:42:35 (People's) Republic of Congo - Les Immortels (The Immortal) 2:48:27 Angola - Invasores de Angola (Invaders of Angola) 2:50:59 South Africa - I'm a Communist 2:51:40 Mozambique - Hino da FRELIMO (Anthem of FRELIMO) 2:53:15 Madagascar - Lalam-Pandresena (The Road to Victory) 2:56:39 Seychelles - Fyer Seselwa (Be Proud Seychellois) 2:58:55 Somalia - Tolweynaha Hantiwadaagga Ah (The Socialist Community) 3:02:16 Ethiopia - ተነሳ ተራመድ (Stand Up and Stride)
Posted by nickglais on 11/11/2017 03:53:00 PM
Democracy and Class Struggle says the Bolshevik Revolution has entered the collective consciousness of humanity and its evaluation like all historic events is along class lines - the bourgeoisie in the Kremlin have every reason to be uneasy - the Oligarchs in Russia the Princelings in China the great robbers of public assets have to live for the moment - tomorrow does not belong to them.
For the Democracy and Class Struggle Marxist Leninist Maoist theoretical view of the October Revolution visit :
THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION
THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION - HISTORY
Posted by nickglais on 11/11/2017 02:09:00 PM
Posted by nickglais on 11/11/2017 01:22:00 PM
INDIA- PUNJAB - SALUTE THE GREAT EVENT IN MOGA OF OCTOBER REVOLUTION CENTENARY COMMEMORATION BY HARSH THAKOR
SALUTE THE GREAT EVENT IN MOGA OF OCTOBER REVOLUTION CENTENARY COMMEMORATION COMMITTEE IN PUNJAB STAGED ON NOVEMBER 7TH RESSURECTING SACRED TORCH OF OCTOBER REVOLUTION ON CENTENARY DAY.PROGRAMME WAS A THORN IN THE FLESH TO ALL THE FORCES OF THE BOURGEOISE WHO CLAIM THAT SOCIALISM HAS MET IT'S DOOM.
Salute great rally in Punjab of 4 communist revolutionary forces belonging to the October revolution commemoration committee ressurrecting the sacred torch of Leninism on day of centenary of Russian revolution.No event defined or progressively turned the fate of mankind like the Russian revolution.
The Godiwala stadium in Moga was illuminated by rekindling the flame of the October Revolution creating the impact of thunder . The spirit of the historic event was blazing in the hearts of the participants who displayed great resolve and determination to defend the line of international proletarian revolution withstanding the counter-offensive of the enemies.
The venue of Moga literally resembled an ocean with more and more streams converging.We must salute the painstaking efforts of the organisers.Speeches were also inspiring particularly that of Darshan Singh Khatkar of C.P.I.(M.L.)New Democracy who highlighted the great achievements of the Socialist Society of Soviet Russia like phenomenal production.
Sukhwinder Kaur of Lok Sangaram Manch narrated the need of the party and its protracted role in arousing the masses of Russia.She explained the necessity of the proletarian party and how decades back it was imperialism that collapsed and not Socialism.Inspiring to see the great enthusiasm of women and students.She also defended the role of Stalin.
Comrade Mukhtiar Phoolar of Inquilabi Kendra described the historical background sumarizing how he first workers state was ever formed.Jaspal Jassi,editor of Surkh Leh journal vividly described the upheaval of the masses and inspite of speaking for a short time reflected great theoretical clarity..
The event proved the revolutionary potential of the masses and is an inspiration to workers all over the globe.It was a truly touching sight for any revolutionary cadre to be present in the rally .Arguably nowhere in India has any programme been held in any part of India on the October revolutionary centenary displaying such a high level of discipline and intensity.Significant that a very important organizational role was played by a constituent organization.very loyal to the C.P.I.(Maoist)
Namely the C.P.I.(M.L.) New Democracy,the Inquilabi Kendra,the Lok Sangram Manch and the Krantikari Lok Morcha were part of the Committee.The Unity of forces belonging to 4 different trends including 2 withing the maoist camp had great significance towards the communist revolutionary movement of Punjab.
No partiality or sectarian approach towards one particular group was exhibited and all 4 groups displayed great co-operative spirit..
Around 6000 persons participated.The largest mobilization was of the C.P.I.(M.L.) New Democracy group followed by Lok Sangram Manch.Nevertheless every group of the participating committee made an equal contribution morally.I was impressed to see the enthusiasm of the students who were mobilised by the Democartic students organization and Punjab students Union.
The participation of Naujwan Bharat Sabha was relatively neglible.The majority of cadres comprised from the Pendu mazdoor union .The Surk Leeh journal as well as BKU(Ugrahan) and Punjab khet Mazdoor union made a token participation but was not a part of the Commite commemorating the event,.They disagreed with joining revolutionary parties and making mass organizations join such a platform.This is the view of the Communist Party Re-Organization Centre of India(Marxist-Leninist) and Surkh Leeh.
There was a subtle difference between what Jaspal Jasi portrayed who is editor of Surkh Leeh and Sukhwinder of Lok sangram Manch.Jassi narrated that ultimately instead of 4 groups one day we should all be one like in the Bolshevik revolution.Sukhwinder technically corrected it indirectly stating that even at the time of revolution differences and different groups would persist referring to the situation in Soviet Russia in 1917.She felt Jassi's portrayal was progressive but idealistic..
Neverthless in the view Pavel Kussa of Naujwan Bharat Sabha ,Jaspal Jassi made the best speech in terms of theoretical content while Mukhtiar Phoolar of Inquilabi Kendra was overall most impressive.In my personal view on the day the speech of comrade Darshan Khatkar stole the show.
At the conclusion of event a march was held around the neighbouring area comprising around 3-4000 people.
I was also greatly impressed by the cultural programmes staged which deeply related to the problems of the broad masses.Great discipline and tenacity was also displayed by the student cadres,particularly of Punjab Students Union.
I was privileged to witness the event and congratulate the painstaking work of cadres and leaders.I particularly thank Balwant Makhu for his inputs and Sukhwinder Kaur.The event proved that inspite of victory of Imperialism there is great potential of the seeds of revolution are in the stage of being sown again photo of sukhwinder kaur adressing rally
Posted by nickglais on 11/11/2017 01:08:00 PM